{"id":3748,"date":"2026-09-21T17:02:18","date_gmt":"2026-09-21T15:02:18","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/canalregionaltv.md\/?p=3748"},"modified":"2026-09-21T17:02:18","modified_gmt":"2026-09-21T15:02:18","slug":"europa-isi-regandeste-securitatea-ce-inseamna-acest-lucru-pentru-neutralitatea-republicii-moldova-un-op-ed-de-anatol-taranu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/canalregionaltv.md\/?p=3748","title":{"rendered":"Europa \u00ee\u0219i reg\u00e2nde\u0219te securitatea. Ce \u00eenseamn\u0103 acest lucru pentru neutralitatea Republicii Moldova. Un Op-Ed de Anatol \u021a\u0103ranu"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Discursul privind \u201eStarea Uniunii\u201d, sus\u021binut la 16 septembrie 2026 de pre\u0219edinta Comisiei Europene, Ursula von der Leyen, indic\u0103 o schimbare \u00een abordarea Bruxellesului privind securitatea continentului. Propunerile privind crearea unui Consiliu European de Securitate, instituirea unui mecanism european pentru combaterea amenin\u021b\u0103rilor hibride \u0219i elaborarea unei noi strategii de securitate sugereaz\u0103 orientarea Uniunii Europene c\u0103tre preven\u021bie, coordonare \u0219i consolidarea capacit\u0103\u021bii proprii de r\u0103spuns, transmite IPN<\/a>.<\/h3>\n

Anali\u0219tii evalueaz\u0103 impactul noilor propuneri ale Comisiei Europene pentru Republica Moldova. Cum poate fi combinat\u0103 neutralitatea cu cooperarea de securitate.<\/p>\n

Pentru Republica Moldova, aceast\u0103 evolu\u021bie are o semnifica\u021bie aparte. Chi\u0219in\u0103ul nu este membru NATO \u0219i, potrivit Constitu\u021biei, proclam\u0103 neutralitatea sa permanent\u0103. \u00cen acela\u0219i timp, Republica Moldova este deja integrat\u0103 \u00eentr-un proces tot mai profund de cooperare cu Uniunea European\u0103 \u00een domeniul securit\u0103\u021bii \u0219i ap\u0103r\u0103rii. A\u0219adar, problema care se pune pentru Moldova nu este pur \u0219i simplu dac\u0103 Europa trebuie s\u0103 se apere mai bine, ci cum poate participa un stat neutru la noua arhitectur\u0103 european\u0103 de securitate f\u0103r\u0103 ca aceast\u0103 cooperare s\u0103 fie confundat\u0103 cu aderarea la o alian\u021b\u0103 militar\u0103.<\/p>\n

Aceast\u0103 distinc\u021bie este esen\u021bial\u0103 pentru politica extern\u0103 a Chi\u0219in\u0103ului. Neutralitatea nu poate \u00eensemna izolare, iar cooperarea interna\u021bional\u0103 \u00een domeniul securit\u0103\u021bii nu presupune automat abandonarea statutului de neutralitate. Dimpotriv\u0103, experien\u021ba ultimilor ani demonstreaz\u0103 c\u0103 un stat neutru are nevoie de parteneriate, capacit\u0103\u021bi institu\u021bionale, protec\u021bia infrastructurii critice \u0219i mecanisme de avertizare timpurie tocmai pentru a-\u0219i putea ap\u0103ra suveranitatea.<\/p>\n

Neutralitatea Republicii Moldova: \u00eentre norm\u0103 constitu\u021bional\u0103 \u0219i realitatea de securitate<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Articolul 11 al Constitu\u021biei prevede dou\u0103 elemente fundamentale: Republica Moldova proclam\u0103 neutralitatea sa permanent\u0103 \u0219i nu admite dislocarea de trupe militare ale altor state pe teritoriul s\u0103u.<\/p>\n

Acest statut constitu\u021bional trebuie \u00eens\u0103 interpretat \u00een contextul concret al securit\u0103\u021bii europene. Neutralitatea nu elimin\u0103 dreptul Republicii Moldova la autoap\u0103rare \u0219i nici dreptul de a coopera cu alte state \u0219i organiza\u021bii interna\u021bionale pentru consolidarea capacit\u0103\u021bilor sale de securitate. Dimpotriv\u0103, \u00eentr-un mediu strategic \u00een care amenin\u021b\u0103rile nu se limiteaz\u0103 la agresiunea militar\u0103 conven\u021bional\u0103, protejarea neutralit\u0103\u021bii presupune capacitatea de a identifica, preveni \u0219i contracara atacurile cibernetice, ingerin\u021bele informa\u021bionale, sabotajul, presiunile energetice \u0219i alte forme de destabilizare.<\/p>\n

De aici rezult\u0103 o problem\u0103 fundamental\u0103 pentru Chi\u0219in\u0103u: o neutralitate lipsit\u0103 de capacit\u0103\u021bi proprii de rezilien\u021b\u0103 risc\u0103 s\u0103 r\u0103m\u00e2n\u0103 doar o declara\u021bie juridic\u0103.<\/p>\n

\u00cen ultimii ani, cooperarea Republicii Moldova cu UE a evoluat tocmai \u00een aceast\u0103 direc\u021bie. Parteneriatul UE\u2013Republica Moldova pentru securitate \u0219i ap\u0103rare semnat \u00een 2024 prevede aprofundarea cooper\u0103rii \u00een domenii precum amenin\u021b\u0103rile hibride, securitatea cibernetic\u0103, combaterea dezinform\u0103rii \u0219i dezvoltarea capacit\u0103\u021bilor. Mai mult, Uniunea European\u0103 a creat \u00een 2023 Misiunea de Parteneriat \u00een Republica Moldova (EUPM), o misiune civil\u0103 destinat\u0103 consolid\u0103rii rezilien\u021bei sectorului de securitate, gestion\u0103rii crizelor, securit\u0103\u021bii cibernetice \u0219i combaterii manipul\u0103rii informa\u021bionale \u0219i ingerin\u021belor externe. Mandatul acesteia a fost prelungit p\u00e2n\u0103 \u00een mai 2027.<\/p>\n

Prin urmare, exist\u0103 deja o form\u0103 de cooperare european\u0103 compatibil\u0103 cu statutul de neutralitate al Republicii Moldova. Noua arhitectur\u0103 european\u0103 propus\u0103 de von der Leyen poate extinde aceast\u0103 logic\u0103.<\/p>\n

Moldova nu \u00ee\u0219i poate permite o neutralitate izolat\u0103<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Pentru Chi\u0219in\u0103u, adev\u0103rata dilem\u0103 nu este \u00eentre neutralitate sau cooperare european\u0103. Dilema este \u00eentre o neutralitate izolat\u0103 \u0219i vulnerabil\u0103 \u0219i o neutralitate capabil\u0103 s\u0103 func\u021bioneze \u00eentr-o re\u021bea european\u0103 de securitate \u0219i rezilien\u021b\u0103.<\/p>\n

Republica Moldova este deja expus\u0103 unor amenin\u021b\u0103ri care nu se \u00eencadreaz\u0103 \u00een modelul clasic al r\u0103zboiului. La summitul UE\u2013Republica Moldova din iunie 2026, Uniunea European\u0103 \u0219i Chi\u0219in\u0103ul au condamnat \u00eenc\u0103lc\u0103rile spa\u021biului aerian moldovenesc, atacurile cibernetice, manipularea informa\u021bional\u0103 \u0219i ingerin\u021bele externe, sabotajul ecologic \u0219i utilizarea energiei ca instrument de presiune.<\/p>\n

\u00centr-un asemenea mediu, neutralitatea nu poate fi redus\u0103 la ab\u021binerea de la participarea la alian\u021be militare. Ea trebuie s\u0103 fie \u00eenso\u021bit\u0103 de capacitatea statului de a-\u0219i proteja institu\u021biile, infrastructura, spa\u021biul informa\u021bional \u0219i popula\u021bia.<\/p>\n

Este tocmai domeniul \u00een care noul proiect european poate deveni relevant pentru Moldova. Dac\u0103 Uniunea va crea un mecanism comun de avertizare \u0219i consultare pentru amenin\u021b\u0103ri care se afl\u0103 sub pragul agresiunii armate, Republica Moldova ar avea un interes direct ca asemenea instrumente s\u0103 poat\u0103 fi conectate, \u00eentr-o form\u0103 adecvat\u0103 statutului s\u0103u, cu statele partenere din vecin\u0103tatea estic\u0103.<\/p>\n

Un \u201eArticol 4\u201d european \u0219i problema Republicii Moldova<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Una dintre ideile centrale ale lui von der Leyen este crearea unui mecanism european care s\u0103 completeze Articolul 4 al NATO. Obiectivul este ca statele europene s\u0103 poat\u0103 reac\u021biona coordonat la incidente care nu constituie \u00eenc\u0103 un atac militar propriu-zis, dar care amenin\u021b\u0103 securitatea na\u021bional\u0103.<\/p>\n

Pentru Republica Moldova, aceast\u0103 idee are o importan\u021b\u0103 strategic\u0103 tocmai pentru c\u0103 amenin\u021b\u0103rile cu care se confrunt\u0103 se afl\u0103 frecvent \u00een aceast\u0103 \u201ezon\u0103 gri\u201d. Un atac cibernetic asupra unei institu\u021bii publice, o opera\u021biune de manipulare informa\u021bional\u0103, sabotarea infrastructurii critice sau o \u00eenc\u0103lcare a spa\u021biului aerian nu declan\u0219eaz\u0103 \u00een mod automat mecanismele tradi\u021bionale de ap\u0103rare colectiv\u0103.<\/p>\n

Moldova nu poate invoca Articolul 4 al NATO \u00een calitate de stat membru. Dar aceasta nu \u00eenseamn\u0103 c\u0103 trebuie s\u0103 r\u0103m\u00e2n\u0103 f\u0103r\u0103 un mecanism european de solidaritate \u00een cazul unor amenin\u021b\u0103ri hibride.<\/p>\n

Aici apare una dintre cele mai importante mize pentru diploma\u021bia moldoveneasc\u0103: extinderea mecanismelor europene de securitate c\u0103tre statele partenere care nu sunt membre ale NATO, dar a c\u0103ror securitate este legat\u0103 direct de securitatea Uniunii Europene.<\/p>\n

Republica Moldova reprezint\u0103 un asemenea caz. Uniunea European\u0103 \u00eens\u0103\u0219i consider\u0103 c\u0103 destabilizarea Moldovei are implica\u021bii pentru securitatea frontierelor externe ale UE. \u00cen 2026, Consiliul UE a reafirmat c\u0103 sprijinul pentru rezilien\u021ba Republicii Moldova trebuie consolidat \u00een contextul activit\u0103\u021bilor destabilizatoare atribuite Rusiei.<\/p>\n

Interesul Moldovei: securitate european\u0103 f\u0103r\u0103 pierderea neutralit\u0103\u021bii<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Aici trebuie f\u0103cut\u0103 o distinc\u021bie \u00eentre neutralitate \u0219i pasivitate.<\/p>\n

Neutralitatea constitu\u021bional\u0103 nu oblig\u0103 Republica Moldova s\u0103 r\u0103m\u00e2n\u0103 \u00een afara cooper\u0103rii interna\u021bionale \u00een domeniul securit\u0103\u021bii. Ea stabile\u0219te limite juridice privind pozi\u021bionarea militar\u0103 a statului. Cooperarea \u00een domeniul ap\u0103r\u0103rii civile, securit\u0103\u021bii cibernetice, protec\u021biei infrastructurii, gestion\u0103rii crizelor, preg\u0103tirii institu\u021biilor \u0219i combaterii amenin\u021b\u0103rilor hibride este o categorie diferit\u0103.<\/p>\n

Acest lucru este deja demonstrat de rela\u021bia Chi\u0219in\u0103ului cu Bruxellesul. UE \u0219i Republica Moldova au convenit s\u0103 continue integrarea Moldovei \u00een arhitectura european\u0103 de securitate \u0219i ap\u0103rare \u0219i participarea sa la ini\u021biative \u0219i mecanisme de cooperare relevante.<\/p>\n

\u00cen plus, Uniunea European\u0103 a alocat Republicii Moldova, prin Instrumentul european pentru pace, fonduri pentru modernizarea \u0219i eficientizarea for\u021belor sale armate. Potrivit Consiliului UE, \u00eentre 2021 \u0219i 2026 sprijinul prin acest instrument a ajuns la 317 milioane de euro, inclusiv pentru capacit\u0103\u021bi de ap\u0103rare aerian\u0103.<\/p>\n

Aceste evolu\u021bii arat\u0103 c\u0103 neutralitatea Republicii Moldova nu \u00eempiedic\u0103 dezvoltarea capacit\u0103\u021bilor de ap\u0103rare. Dimpotriv\u0103, problema central\u0103 este ca dezvoltarea lor s\u0103 fie formulat\u0103 \u00een mod coerent cu statutul constitu\u021bional al \u021b\u0103rii.<\/p>\n

Ucraina \u0219i Moldova: dou\u0103 componente ale securit\u0103\u021bii europene<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Pentru Chi\u0219in\u0103u, noua politic\u0103 european\u0103 de ap\u0103rare nu poate fi separat\u0103 de evolu\u021bia r\u0103zboiului din Ucraina.<\/p>\n

Moldova \u0219i Ucraina formeaz\u0103, din perspectiva securit\u0103\u021bii europene, un spa\u021biu strategic interdependent. Securitatea Ucrainei influen\u021beaz\u0103 direct securitatea Moldovei, iar stabilitatea Republicii Moldova contribuie la securitatea frontierei estice a Uniunii Europene.<\/p>\n

Aceast\u0103 realitate explic\u0103 de ce Ucraina este inclus\u0103 de von der Leyen printre partenerii care ar putea participa la viitorul Consiliu European de Securitate. Experien\u021ba ucrainean\u0103 \u00een domeniul rezilien\u021bei, al protec\u021biei infrastructurii \u0219i al confrunt\u0103rii cu amenin\u021b\u0103rile hibride poate deveni un element important al noii arhitecturi europene.<\/p>\n

Pentru Republica Moldova, participarea la aceast\u0103 re\u021bea de cooperare ar trebui s\u0103 fie urm\u0103rit\u0103 prin prisma propriilor interese: protejarea suveranit\u0103\u021bii \u0219i integrit\u0103\u021bii teritoriale, securitatea frontierelor, consolidarea rezilien\u021bei institu\u021biilor \u0219i infrastructurii, securitatea energetic\u0103 \u0219i cibernetic\u0103 \u0219i reducerea vulnerabilit\u0103\u021bilor care pot fi exploatate din exterior.<\/p>\n

\u00cen acela\u0219i timp, statutul de neutralitate deocamdat\u0103 r\u0103m\u00e2ne un element distinct al pozi\u021biei constitu\u021bionale a Republicii Moldova. Cooperarea cu Ucraina \u0219i UE nu trebuie confundat\u0103 cu intrarea \u00eentr-o alian\u021b\u0103 militar\u0103.<\/p>\n

Regiunea transnistrean\u0103 \u0219i limitele actualei arhitecturi de securitate<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Orice discu\u021bie despre interesele de securitate ale Republicii Moldova este incomplet\u0103 f\u0103r\u0103 problema transnistrean\u0103.<\/p>\n

Conflictul \u00eenghe\u021bat de pe Nistru reprezint\u0103 una dintre vulnerabilit\u0103\u021bile structurale ale securit\u0103\u021bii Republicii Moldova. \u00cen condi\u021biile \u00een care regiunea este legat\u0103 de prezen\u021ba militar\u0103 rus\u0103 \u0219i de r\u0103zboiul din Ucraina, problema transnistrean\u0103 dep\u0103\u0219e\u0219te cadrul strict intern al Republicii Moldova \u0219i devine parte a arhitecturii de securitate a Europei de Est.<\/p>\n

Pentru Chi\u0219in\u0103u, o eventual\u0103 consolidare a securit\u0103\u021bii europene ar trebui s\u0103 includ\u0103 \u0219i o reflec\u021bie asupra conflictelor \u00eenghe\u021bate \u0219i a prezen\u021belor militare str\u0103ine din vecin\u0103tatea UE.<\/p>\n

\u00cen acest sens, neutralitatea Republicii Moldova nu poate fi analizat\u0103 separat de problema integrit\u0103\u021bii sale teritoriale. Constitu\u021bia proclam\u0103 neutralitatea permanent\u0103, dar securitatea efectiv\u0103 a statului presupune \u0219i respectarea suveranit\u0103\u021bii sale asupra \u00eentregului teritoriu.<\/p>\n

De aici rezult\u0103 o contradic\u021bie pe care noua arhitectur\u0103 european\u0103 de securitate va trebui, mai devreme sau mai t\u00e2rziu, s\u0103 o abordeze: cum poate fi protejat un stat neutru dac\u0103 pe teritoriul s\u0103u exist\u0103 o prezen\u021b\u0103 militar\u0103 str\u0103in\u0103 pe care autorit\u0103\u021bile constitu\u021bionale nu o controleaz\u0103?<\/p>\n

Aceast\u0103 \u00eentrebare prive\u0219te nu numai Republica Moldova. Ea \u021bine de credibilitatea \u00eentregului sistem european de securitate.<\/p>\n

De la \u201eneutralitate\u201d la \u201erezilien\u021b\u0103 strategic\u0103\u201d<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Una dintre lec\u021biile principale ale ultimilor ani este c\u0103 securitatea unui stat azi nu mai poate fi m\u0103surat\u0103 exclusiv prin num\u0103rul de militari sau prin cantitatea de tehnic\u0103 militar\u0103.<\/p>\n

Pentru Moldova, rezilien\u021ba strategic\u0103 presupune securitate energetic\u0103, protec\u021bia infrastructurii critice, securitate cibernetic\u0103, institu\u021bii capabile s\u0103 gestioneze crize, capacitatea de protejare a proceselor electorale \u0219i combaterea ingerin\u021belor informa\u021bionale.<\/p>\n

EUPM Moldova lucreaz\u0103 deja \u00een aceste domenii. Misiunea a sprijinit dezvoltarea structurilor de gestionare a crizelor, securitatea cibernetic\u0103 \u0219i capacitatea institu\u021biilor de a contracara manipularea informa\u021bional\u0103 \u0219i ingerin\u021bele externe.<\/p>\n

Acest model este important pentru c\u0103 arat\u0103 cum poate func\u021biona cooperarea european\u0103 cu un stat neutru: prin consolidarea capacit\u0103\u021bii statului de a se ap\u0103ra \u0219i de a rezista, f\u0103r\u0103 transformarea automat\u0103 a acestuia \u00eentr-o parte a unei alian\u021be militare.<\/p>\n

Ce ar trebui s\u0103 urm\u0103reasc\u0103 Chi\u0219in\u0103ul<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00cen noua configura\u021bie european\u0103, interesele Republicii Moldova pot fi sintetizate \u00een c\u00e2teva direc\u021bii esen\u021biale: acces la mecanisme europene de avertizare timpurie; cooperare sporit\u0103 \u00een combaterea amenin\u021b\u0103rilor hibride; consolidarea securit\u0103\u021bii cibernetice; protejarea infrastructurii critice; dezvoltarea capacit\u0103\u021bilor de gestionare a crizelor; sprijin european pentru modernizarea capacit\u0103\u021bilor defensive; securitate energetic\u0103 \u0219i integrarea deplin\u0103 \u00een mecanismele europene de rezilien\u021b\u0103.<\/p>\n

\u00cen acela\u0219i timp, Chi\u0219in\u0103ul are interesul ca statutul s\u0103u de neutralitate s\u0103 fie \u00een\u021beles corect de partenerii europeni: nu ca o obliga\u021bie de izolare, ci ca un statut constitu\u021bional care define\u0219te limitele angajamentelor militare ale Republicii Moldova.<\/p>\n

Aceast\u0103 abordare ar permite Moldovei s\u0103 participe mai activ la construc\u021bia securit\u0103\u021bii europene f\u0103r\u0103 a transforma dezbaterea despre ap\u0103rare \u00eentr-o dezbatere prematur\u0103 despre alian\u021be militare.<\/p>\n

Este relevant \u0219i faptul c\u0103 modificarea prevederilor constitu\u021bionale referitoare la neutralitatea permanent\u0103 are un regim juridic special. Constitu\u021bia prevede c\u0103 asemenea dispozi\u021bii pot fi revizuite numai dup\u0103 aprobarea lor prin referendum, cu majoritatea cet\u0103\u021benilor \u00eenscri\u0219i \u00een listele electorale. \u00a0Prin urmare, orice schimbare a statutului de neutralitate este, juridic \u0219i politic, o chestiune distinct\u0103 de aprofundarea cooper\u0103rii europene \u00een domeniul securit\u0103\u021bii.<\/p>\n

Europa are nevoie de Moldova, iar Moldova are nevoie de Europa<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Noua politic\u0103 european\u0103 de securitate creeaz\u0103 pentru Republica Moldova o situa\u021bie diferit\u0103 de cea de acum c\u00e2\u021biva ani. UE nu mai trateaz\u0103 securitatea Moldovei doar ca pe o problem\u0103 a unui stat partener de la frontiera estic\u0103. Documentele europene recente leag\u0103 explicit rezilien\u021ba Republicii Moldova de securitatea regional\u0103 \u0219i de securitatea frontierelor Uniunii.<\/p>\n

\u00cen consecin\u021b\u0103, interesele Moldovei trebuie formulate \u00eentr-o manier\u0103 mai clar\u0103 \u00een dialogul cu Bruxellesul. Chi\u0219in\u0103ul are nevoie de o politic\u0103 de securitate care s\u0103 combine trei elemente: neutralitatea constitu\u021bional\u0103, capacitatea na\u021bional\u0103 de ap\u0103rare \u0219i integrarea \u00een mecanismele europene de securitate \u0219i rezilien\u021b\u0103.<\/p>\n

Aceste trei dimensiuni nu sunt, \u00een mod necesar, contradictorii. Dimpotriv\u0103, pot func\u021biona complementar dac\u0103 sunt definite juridic \u0219i strategic cu suficient\u0103 claritate.<\/p>\n

Pentru Republica Moldova, obiectivul nu ar trebui s\u0103 fie izolarea de transform\u0103rile care au loc \u00een Europa, ci participarea la ele \u00een condi\u021biile propriului statut constitu\u021bional. O Europ\u0103 care \u00ee\u0219i dezvolt\u0103 capacitatea de a r\u0103spunde amenin\u021b\u0103rilor hibride poate oferi Moldovei instrumente suplimentare pentru protejarea suveranit\u0103\u021bii. Iar o Moldov\u0103 mai rezilient\u0103 poate contribui, la r\u00e2ndul s\u0103u, la securitatea frontierei estice a Europei.<\/p>\n

\u00cen aceast\u0103 perspectiv\u0103, propunerea unui Consiliu European de Securitate nu este doar o ini\u021biativ\u0103 institu\u021bional\u0103 de la Bruxelles. Pentru Chi\u0219in\u0103u, ea deschide o \u00eentrebare strategic\u0103 mult mai important\u0103: poate fi construit un sistem european de securitate suficient de flexibil pentru a proteja \u0219i statele care, asemenea Republicii Moldova, nu fac parte din NATO, dar sunt direct expuse riscurilor de securitate ale continentului?<\/p>\n

R\u0103spunsul la aceast\u0103 \u00eentrebare va conta pentru viitorul securit\u0103\u021bii europene, dar \u0219i pentru viitorul Republicii Moldova. Neutralitatea nu poate oferi singur\u0103 securitate. Nici integrarea european\u0103 nu o poate substitui. Ceea ce se contureaz\u0103 este necesitatea unei formule \u00een care neutralitatea constitu\u021bional\u0103 s\u0103 fie sus\u021binut\u0103 de capacit\u0103\u021bi na\u021bionale reale \u0219i de o re\u021bea european\u0103 de rezilien\u021b\u0103, cooperare \u0219i solidaritate.<\/p>\n

Pentru Chi\u0219in\u0103u, aceasta poate deveni una dintre cele mai importante teme ale politicii externe \u0219i de securitate \u00een anii urm\u0103tori.<\/p>\n

Am p\u0103strat deliberat formularea \u201eneutralitate + cooperare european\u0103 de securitate\u201d, f\u0103r\u0103 a prezenta modificarea statutului de neutralitate ca obiectiv. Constitu\u021bia actual\u0103 face din neutralitatea permanent\u0103 o norm\u0103 cu protec\u021bie constitu\u021bional\u0103 special\u0103, iar cooperarea UE\u2013Moldova \u00een securitate este deja \u00een desf\u0103\u0219urare.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/article>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n

Articolul Europa \u00ee\u0219i reg\u00e2nde\u0219te securitatea. Ce \u00eenseamn\u0103 acest lucru pentru neutralitatea Republicii Moldova. Un Op-Ed de Anatol \u021a\u0103ranu<\/a> apare prima dat\u0103 \u00een NordNews<\/a>.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Discursul privind \u201eStarea Uniunii\u201d, sus\u021binut la 16 septembrie 2026 de pre\u0219edinta Comisiei Europene, Ursula von der Leyen, indic\u0103 o schimbare \u00een abordarea Bruxellesului privind securitatea […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3748","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized"],"yoast_head":"\nEuropa \u00ee\u0219i reg\u00e2nde\u0219te securitatea. Ce \u00eenseamn\u0103 acest lucru pentru neutralitatea Republicii Moldova. Un Op-Ed de Anatol \u021a\u0103ranu - Canal Regional<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/canalregionaltv.md\/?p=3748\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Europa \u00ee\u0219i reg\u00e2nde\u0219te securitatea. Ce \u00eenseamn\u0103 acest lucru pentru neutralitatea Republicii Moldova. 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